By the mid-nineteenth century the port of
New York was the busiest in the hemisphere, doing trade with all the major
ports in the world. That New York City
was also the center of the illegal slave trade in the 1850s may surprise many
today, but such was the case. Respectable
citizens were hardly aware of the trade, but those on the waterfront, even if
uninvolved, could see signs of it. Any
vessel bound for Africa was suspect.
During eighteen months of the years 1859-60, eighty-five slavers were
reported to have been fitted out in New York harbor, transporting from 30,000
to 60,000 slaves annually. This post will
have a look at that trade, drawing mostly on primary sources.
Ships used in the slave trade: schooner (left), brig (center), and bark (right). Small, fast ships that could outrun British cruisers were preferred. BPL |
In June of 1860 – on the very eve of the Civil War – a
young New Englander named Edward Manning, being short of coin, went to a New
York City shipping office and signed up for three years on the Thomas Watson, a whaler being fitted
out in New London, Connecticut. Going to
New London, he found a smart-looking vessel of 400 tons, remarkably clean for a
whaler, many of whose crew were, like himself, “greenies.” A fine-looking woman came aboard and
conferred with the captain in his cabin; she was said to be one of the owners. Had he not been a greenhorn, young Manning
might have wondered why the ship was taking on so much rice, hard tack, beef,
pork, casks of fresh water, and other supplies – far more than was needed for
the crew of a whaler – as well as quantities of pine flooring that would be
laid over the stores in the hold so as to create a new deck. He might also have wondered why the ship
couldn’t get clearance and sail from New London, but instead went down to New
York, accompanied all the way by a U.S. revenue cutter, all of which suggested
that the ship was somehow suspect, might have a history. In New York the Thomas Watson anchored briefly off the Battery, then caught a
favorable breeze and sailed from there, presumably bound for waters rich in
whales.
As the vessel crossed the North Atlantic,
it proved to be a smart sailer, hard to overtake. Nearing the presumed whaling grounds, the
captain posted a lookout aloft to look out for “blows,” and even sent out boats
in quest of whales, sustaining the image of a whaler all the way to the coast
of Africa. Approaching that coast, it
sighted a British man-of-war, at which point the “old man,” as the crew
referred to the skipper, ordered the men to remove the pine flooring and store
it aft. As the warship approached, it
fired a shot across the whaler’s bow, raising a splash. “What ship is that?” came the query. “The Thomas
Watson.” “I’ll board you!” So spoke the greatest navy in the world,
displaying the arrogance typical of a world power. By now the greenies had long since grasped
the fact – not particularly dismaying to most of them – that the Thomas Watson was no whaler but a slaver
in disguise, hoping now to outwit the British Navy, which was intent on
suppressing the slave trade, illegal in most parts of the world. A gig came alongside, and the English
commander boarded the vessel, conferred with the captain in his cabin, and then
inspected the deck and hold. Though he
found no overt signs of a slaver, he was frankly skeptical and promised to have
a look at the vessel again in the future.
Once the departing visitors were out of earshot, the captain, an irascible man,
exclaimed, “You English sucker! You’ll
see me again, will you? I’ll show
you!” In point of fact, they never
encountered the warship again.
HMS Black Joke firing on the Spanish slaver El Almirante. The British ship freed 466 slaves. |
If the greenies had any reservations about
serving on a slaver, they had little choice, being far from home and near the
coast of Africa. Enhancing their
resignation may have been the realization that no trade on the seas was more
lucrative than this one, which might mean more pay at the end of the run, if
the British Navy -- and the American, though it was typically less in evidence
– could be eluded. In 1860 the trade
still flourished, taking slaves from West Africa to Cuba, then a Spanish
colony, where the authorities looked the other way while the planters acquired
more labor for their sugar plantations and paid well for it. Of the whole crew, only Manning voiced
objections to serving on a slaver, for which he earned the captain’s undying
enmity.
As the Thomas
Watson neared the African shore, a small boat with naked black rowers approached,
waving a bright red rag. A Spaniard came
on board, embraced the captain, and kissed him.
They conferred, then the Spaniard departed, leaving the crew mystified
as to what this was all about. The
Spaniard was allegedly a palm oil merchant, but the mystery remained.
For two weeks the Thomas Watson cruised about, not too far from the African coast,
maintaining the feeble pretense of whaling.
Then they approached an uninhabited stretch of shoreline, where only a
long, low shed was visible – a barracoon (slave barracks) -- as he later
learned. The captain, showing signs of
nervousness, posted the mate aloft with a spyglass, ordering him to report any
ship in sight. “Sail ho!” the mate
finally cried out. “Where away?” asked
the captain. “Right ahead, and close to
the beach.”
They now made contact with a schooner, and
the palm oil merchant reappeared, boarded the ship, and gave the captain
another affectionate kiss. The pine flooring was now
quickly laid, creating a deck to receive the oncoming cargo. Naked blacks – men, women, and children – now
issued from the shed and walked in single file to the beach, where their black
guards began tossing them into a surf boat that then negotiated the surf safely
and transferred its human cargo to a small boat from the ship. The slaves were then taken to the ship and
piled into the hold, the women separately in steerage. The ship was rolling all this while, so the
slaves were seasick, and the foul air and great heat made the hold unbearable. Five or six were dead by morning, and their
bodies were tossed overboard.
Model of a slave ship. The slaves are packed in on a deck laid over the stores in the hold, which include ivory tusks. This vessel is armed, but most slavers relied on speed to escape pursuing warships. Kenneth Lu |
Having secured its cargo, the Thomas Watson immediately weighed anchor
and got under way, carrying some eight hundred blacks of all sizes and ages,
with the Spanish captain and a crew of eighteen whites. The Spaniard, a veteran of the trade, was now
in charge, whip in hand, and his ferocious manner kept the slaves in check. Guarded by overbearing guards of their own
race, whom Manning identified as Kroomen (an African people living in Liberia
and the Ivory Coast), the slaves were brought up on deck and fed rice and sea
biscuits, but the stench below was suffocating, until means were found to let
air in for ventilation. The Spaniard was
a man of moods and contradictions. He
delighted to let the little girls come up and play on deck, but when a man was
caught stealing water, he had him flogged unmercifully. And yet, having some knowledge of medicine, he
improvised a hospital on deck and treated those who were ill, probably saving
the lives of several. Dysentery was the
commonest ailment, but there were two fatal cases of smallpox, one of scurvy
and one of palsy. Also, one woman gave
birth to twins, but both infants died.
Slaves on deck, being shackled. |
The long transatlantic trip was not
pleasant even for the whites on board.
Scared out of the hold, the ship’s rats invaded the forecastle, where
the crew slept. Manning tells how one
night he felt sharp claws on his face, and a rat gnawing at his big toe, whose
toenail was almost gone; after that he slept on the deck. When a crewman died of a fever in the dark,
dingy hole of the forecastle, he was sewed up in canvas and laid out on a plank
on deck; then, with no attempt at a service, the plank was raised at one end, and
the body slid into the sea. Meanwhile
the American captain was getting drunk daily on rum and then 1retiring to a spare boat
on the poop deck to sleep it off. The
Spanish captain remonstrated with him, protesting that he was setting a bad
example for the crew, but to no avail.
The condition of the slaves was now of
some consequence, as the vessel was approaching Cuba. They were brought up on deck in batches, and
bathed in the spray from a hose. To
fumigate the hold, the crew stuck red-hot irons into tin pots filled with tar,
sealed the hold with hatches, and waited two hours; by then the hold was considered
cleansed.
Having been at sea for six months, the
crew were now eager to make land. The
likable second mate expressed the hope that he would make enough money on this
voyage to buy a little place ashore and settle down; for him, it was just a
job. They now scraped the ship’s name
off the stern, thus making them all outlaws, and the vessel fair game for
anyone. Special precautions had to be
taken, for British men-of-war patrolled the Cuban coast as well, and the
appearance there of a whaler would arouse suspicion, especially if large
numbers of blacks were seen on deck. In
time they rendezvoused successfully with two schooners, one of which came
alongside; brought up to the deck, the blacks were made to jump down to the
schooner’s deck, the Kroomen going last.
The Spanish captain too left the ship, and the second schooner took on
half the blacks from the first one, after which the two schooners made for
land. Their cargo delivered, the crew of
the Thomas Watson then removed the
telltale pine flooring and threw it overboard.
The ship now sailed to Campeche,
Yucatan. Chloride of lime was sprinkled
in the hold to eliminate the smell of slaves in confinement, but some hint of
the odor remained. The crew were now
paid, and paid well, in Spanish doubloons, and Edward Manning took passage on a
Mexican schooner to New Orleans, where he arrived in January 1861. There, finding Secession in the air and the
people feverish, the New Englander got out fast, returning to New York by
rail. When war broke out, he joined the
U.S. Navy and served for the duration.
The Thomas Watson became a
Confederate blockade runner but while pursued by Northern warships ran aground
on a reef off Charleston, South Carolina, and was burned by the Northern ships
to the water’s edge.
Such was the account of Edward Manning,
which he published with the title Six
Months on a Slaver in 1879. Though
opposed to slavery, he tells his story in a sober, matter-of-fact way,
expressing sympathy for the slaves, but never inveighing against the evils of
slavery. In short, he lets the story
tell itself. The book is a rare example
of a firsthand account of the trade, since those involved usually shunned
publicity. The voyage was routine, with
no drama: no pursuit by British cruisers, no slave revolt, no storm, no high
death rate among the slaves. The
vessel’s prompt departure from the port of New York, which Manning doesn’t
explain, was probably facilitated by prior negotiations with the authorities there
and smoothed with a bribe. Manning doesn’t identify the coast where the
slaves were taken on, but it was certainly that part of West Africa where the
Atlantic trade flourished: the Ivory Coast, the Gold Coast (modern Ghana), and
the Slave Coast, this last being the coastal area of modern-day Togo, Benin, and
western Nigeria.
The first meeting with the palm oil
merchant, later identified as the Spanish captain, was to arrange a rendezvous
for loading the slaves; this was to make sure that the loading would go
quickly, so the vessel could get away fast from the coast without being caught
by a British warship. The Spaniard was
evidently a loose packer, meaning that he allowed the slaves ample room and
thus kept mortalities to a minimum; tight packers usually had corpses to
dispose of, and the corpses, once in the sea, drew sharks that might follow the
ship for days: the sure sign of a slaver to the captain of a British
cruiser. But in the vast expanse of the
North Atlantic, there was little risk of detection, until the slaver approached
the Cuban coast. The Kroomen guards were
probably not destined for slavery, but further employment by the Spaniard on
future voyages, it being a sad fact that blacks too participated in the trade
and facilitated it.
“The Slave Trade in New York,” a January
1862 article in The Continental Monthly,
a new periodical of the time published in New York and Boston, gives useful
background for Manning’s story. Since by
then reform was under way, the conditions described are those prevailing before
the 1860 election: exactly the time when Manning was recruited for the Thomas Watson. According to the article, New York City
was the world’s leading port for the slave trade, with Portland and Boston
next. (The author might have added New
Orleans.) Slave dealers, some of them
seemingly respectable Knickerbockers, contributed liberally to political
organizations and thus influenced elections not only in New York but also in
New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Connecticut.
The captains involved in the trade lived in residences and
boardinghouses in the eastern wards of the city and formed a secret fraternity
with signs, grips, and passwords. A slave
captain planning a voyage would initiate preparations in a first-class hotel
like the Astor House, where the risk of detection was less than in a private
office. Runners, provided with the names
of men of every nationality who had served on slavers before, would be sent to
boardinghouses to recruit a crew; their appraisal of prospective crewmen was
reliable, their blunders few. Rather
than equipment for a whaling voyage, as in the case of the Thomas Watson, apparatus for refining pine oil, a common and
legitimate import from Africa, was often used as a blind, for a U.S. marshal
would inspect in port any vessel suspected of being a slaver. One yacht owner was quoted as saying that he
had paid $10,000 to get clearance. But
getting clearance at the custom house was easy, a transparent disguise being
enough. And should a slaver be captured
by a British warship, the New York owners were rarely troubled, having a corps
of attorneys on retainer to defend them.
As an example of the laxity of the law,
the article tells the story of the brig Cora,
a slaver captured at sea and brought to New York. Her skipper, Captain Latham, was lodged in
the Eldridge Street Jail, where inmates caroused freely with liquor and
champagne. Securing funds from a Wall
Street connection, Latham bribed one of the U.S. marshal’s assistants with
$3,000 and so was allowed to leave the premises, buy a suit at Brooks Brothers,
and proceed to the dock just in time to
catch a steamer to Havana. Since then
Latham was said to have returned to the city in disguise.
The jail where a slaver awaiting trial could live comfortably, even riotously. Bars are visible on one window, though they didn't prevent an inmate with money from leaving on excursions. |
Not all slave voyages were as routine and
uneventful as that of the Thomas
Watson. Edward Manning never got
ashore to see a caravan of slaves arrive from the interior. One such caravan of twelve hundred naked
slaves, captured and guarded by other blacks, has been described as arriving at
the coast to the sound of rifle fire, tom-toms, and drums. The trading that ensued might involve an
exchange of slaves, ivory, gold dust, rice, cattle, skins, beeswax, wood, and
honey for cotton cloth, gunpowder, rum, tobacco, cheap muskets, and assorted
trinkets. A strong, healthy male of
twenty might fetch three Spanish dollars; women and boys went for less.
A slave caravan. |
As a slaver weighed anchor laden with
“black ivory,” heart-rending scenes might occur. On one occasion blacks in two canoes and on a
raft came alongside a departing brig, begging to be taken also, so they could
rejoin relatives now chained under the hatches.
Seeing that they were old, the captain took only three. The others persisted, till a six-pound shot
destroyed the raft. Some of the crew
were troubled by this, but the captain remarked coolly, “Your uncle knows his
business.”
And what became of the elderly and sick
slaves that no trader wanted? On one
occasion eight hundred of them were taken out in canoes by other blacks and
sunk with stones about their necks. Here
again, the cruelty of blacks on blacks matched that of whites on blacks. The slave trade corrupted all who were
involved in it.
The worst that could happen at sea was not
so much a slave revolt but a fire. One
repentant skipper told of such a horror at night, when all their cargo was
locked under hatches. The crew tried to
put out the fire below with buckets of water, but the flames spread amidships
and the vessel was doomed. “Bear away,
lads!” ordered the skipper. “Lashings
and spars for a raft, my hearties!” The
crew improvised a raft from the masts and bowsprit, and hoisted out the two boats, while the fire smoldered between decks
and the slaves screamed. As the crew
abandoned ship, a merciful mate lifted the hatch gratings and flung down the
shackle keys, so the slaves could escape from the hold. As the ship’s two boats towed the raft clear
of the burning vessel, the slaves gained the deck, only to become enveloped in
flames. Some jumped into the sea and
tried to climb aboard the boats and raft; a few succeeded, but the crewmen,
fearing that they would be swamped, fought most of them off with handspikes. As the white survivors distanced themselves
from the vessel and the drowning slaves, the sea was illumined for miles by the
flaming brig. Out of 640 slaves, 115 were saved on the raft. Saved, of course, for slavery. For the traders, not a very satisfactory
voyage.
Did those who participated in the trade
ever repent of it? Yes, but usually on
their deathbed. Said one: “There is no
way to stop the slave trade but by breaking up slaveholding. Whilst there is a market, there will always
be traders. Men like me do its roughest
work, but we are no worse than the Christian merchants whose money finds ships
and freight, or the Christian planters who keep up the demand for negroes. May God forgive me for my crimes, and may my
story serve some good purpose in the world I am leaving.”
And as Edward Manning’s account makes
clear, slave trading was an equal opportunity operation. Even in those Victorian times, when ladies
were confined to the parlor, with forays into the nursery and outings for good
works, some seemingly respectable women were up to their ears in the
trade. The woman Manning observed was a
New London resident, but there were more such women in New York. They kept a low profile, but occasionally
their name crept into print. A Law
Intelligence report in the New York
Tribune of September 22, 1862, told how a Mrs. Mary Jane Watson of 38 St.
Mark’s Place had operated as a blind for John A. Machado, who skippered the
bark Mary Francis on a run from
Africa to Cuba. Machado was arrested in
New York, but to my knowledge no woman was ever prosecuted for participation in
the trade.
Why did good Christian men and women –
ship owners, ship fitters, insurers, and provisioners, aided by banks extending
loans to planters, and by iron merchants providing shackles and manacles – choose
to get involved in this shameful web of complicity? Two reasons: money and immunity. A healthy young slave costing $50 in Africa
could easily bring $350 or even $500 in Havana, and a healthy but inferior
slave at least $250. And the chances of
getting caught and prosecuted were minimal.
For some, the temptation was simply too great, especially when you could
remain at a safe remove and leave the dirty work to others.
In the next post we will see the many
subterfuges these investors used to escape detection, and how this vile
business, widespread but centered in New York, finally, and appropriately in New
York, came to an end.
Bank note: Virtue is rewarded after all in this cold, callous world, and there is still such a thing as loyalty. Jamie Dimon, the embattled CEO of my beloved bank, J.P. Morgan Chase, has been given $20 million in compensation for 2013, a year in which the bank paid $13 billion (yes, billion, not million) in a settlement with the Justice Department over some mortgage securities, and endured other undeserved woes. That's a 74% raise over 2012, which shows the board's loyalty to Mr. Dimon and its confidence in his managerial skills. And, incidentally, there is still plenty of free candy available at my branch.
Coming soon: The Slave Trade: How they got away with it, and how it was finally stopped. And then: New York and the Vision Thing. Can a greed-ridden commercial town even have a vision? We'll see.
© 2014 Clifford Browder
Bank note: Virtue is rewarded after all in this cold, callous world, and there is still such a thing as loyalty. Jamie Dimon, the embattled CEO of my beloved bank, J.P. Morgan Chase, has been given $20 million in compensation for 2013, a year in which the bank paid $13 billion (yes, billion, not million) in a settlement with the Justice Department over some mortgage securities, and endured other undeserved woes. That's a 74% raise over 2012, which shows the board's loyalty to Mr. Dimon and its confidence in his managerial skills. And, incidentally, there is still plenty of free candy available at my branch.
Coming soon: The Slave Trade: How they got away with it, and how it was finally stopped. And then: New York and the Vision Thing. Can a greed-ridden commercial town even have a vision? We'll see.
© 2014 Clifford Browder